本文從批判性地緣政治 ( critical geopolitics ) 的角度,藉由波士尼亞戰爭 ( 1992-1995 年 )此一案例,探討後冷戰時期美國的外交政策。深受國際關係後實證主義 ( post-positivism) 的影響,批判性地緣政治旨在問題化(problematize) 地緣政治的思想,主張地緣政治的基本元素,例如主權、領土、疆界、民族國家等,其意義不是既定的,而是社會實踐的結果。外交政策的功能之一,即是藉由賦予特定「他者」一個地緣政治的意義,建構或合理化國家的政策還頃。據此以觀,美國由不肯/不能出兵波士尼亞,到最後積極介入和平協議的簽訂,或可詮釋為是原先政府或政治菁英對於波士尼亞的主流建構—歷史仇恨與種族衝突—逐漸受到另一套「大屠殺」論述挑戰 (但非取代) 的緣故。最後,本文將指出,雖然這樣的研究途徑似乎確認了「西方」的權力能力,從而強化了現實主義的論述,但二者之間所開展出來的、對國際關你的理解與研究,卻是大不相同的。
This paper uses the approach of critical geopolitics to study the US foreign policy in the post-Cold War era, with the Bosnian war (1992-1995) being the empirical case. Influenced by the stream of post-positivism in International Relations (IR), critical geopolitics aims at problematizing traditional geopolitical thinking, holding that the meaning of concepts such as sovereignty, territory, boundary, nation-state, and so on, is not given and fixed, but is a construct of social practices. One function of foreign policy is thus to give an “Other” a specific geopolitical meaning, thereby constructing or rationalizing possible policy options. Upon this basis, the process of which the US government eventually intervened actively in Bosnia might be interpreted as a shift in discourse in the sense that the dominant discourse of ancient hatred and ethnic conflict had gradually been challenged (although not replaced) by another discourse of holocaust. While such research approach may seem to confirm the power of the West in determining facts and actions needed, and therefore reinforce the claim of realism, there remain significant differences in research orientation, theory-building, and implications between the two.
本文探討一個認同對外交政策的影響,並以「芬蘭化」的概念為例。外交政策基本上是對「我群/我們」概念的回應,而一個政治社群諸如「我們是誰?」、「在世界上的角色和地位」對問題的回答,則大致是穩定的。爬梳一個社群對「我們」概念如「民族」與「國家」的理解與論述方式,將有助於解釋該社群之外交政策的大致走向。 「芬蘭化」(Finlandization)一詞源於 1948 年芬蘭與蘇聯之協定,意指小國在其對外行為上,主動將大國之國家利益納入考量,不做出..
This paper explores the impact of identity on foreign policy, with the idea of “Finlandization” as an empirical case. Foreign policy can be conceptualized as a response to “we” concepts, and a political community’s answers to such questions as “who we are” and “our roles and places in the world” are generally stable. It is thus helpful to grasp the general tendency of a community’s foreign policy if the ways in which it understands and organizes the basic “we&r..
受到 1980 年代起國際關係理論第三次大辯論的影響,政治地授學者與國際關係學者也將後設理論的爭論帶進地緣政治研究,後現代地緣政治或批判性地緣政治是運用後結構主義、後現代主義與批判理論作為其論述的哲學基礎。批判性地緣政治是質疑傳統地緣政治的本體論與知識論的前提假定,解構傳統地緣政治對世界政治的觀察,以及挑戰其以國家為中心的政治實踐。也就是解構傳統地緣政治的霸權論述,以及質疑在主要強國的地緣政治實踐所發現的權力關係。批判性地緣政治研究影響了地緣政治研究的方向與內涵,擴展了其研究議題,但要改..
Due to the influence of the third Great Debate on International Relations Theory in the 1980s, scholars in Geopolitics and International Relations have brought the debates of metatheory into geopolitical research. They have used Post structuralism, Postmodernism, and Critical Theory philosophical foundations to question traditional geopolitics about its ontological and epistemological assumptions, to destructure its perspectives on world politics, and to challenge its state-centered political practices. Therefore, they have been called the ..
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