本文從決策者角度探討中印關係中的競合模式。中印在國際間先後崛起之際，兩國之間充滿競爭與合作，且往往競爭多於合作。中印之間的競合模式多半是一種策略合作，進行務實的交往但保有平衡選擇。競合的時機取決於決策者對於議題相關成本與利益的考量。決策者希望在重要議題上合作，擱置爭議，為經濟發展創造一個和平的環境，但是保持可啟動平衡行動的選擇，作為避險。不過，因為缺乏互信，以及決策者面對的政治風險，有時策略合作中原本是備而不用的平衡選擇被啟動。例如，在 2013 年中，習近平與李克強為鞏固權力的避險動作，使得中國在邊界問題上立場保持強硬，導致互相平衡動作，使邊界變得緊張。但是，如果啟動平衡是為了促進合作的手段，則衝突升高的可能性就不高;不過對促進合作亦無實質幫助，反而加深不信任，限制了未來實質合作的發展性。印度在 2014 年產生新的執政者，面對要鞏固權力的習李政府，將會對中印之間的合作嘗試，產生新的挑戰。
This article studies the competition-cooperation model between China and India from the perspective of decision-makers. While China and India experience fast economic growths, there are inevitably competition and cooperation between the two. The choice to cooperate or compete depends on how the decision-makers perceive the interest structure of the engagement of the two countries on issues. However, oftentime it is not easy to judge whether the two countries are in a zero-sum or non-zero sum game on one issue. “Strategic cooperation” has frequently been adopted, which in its ideal form combines practical engagement with an open option of balance. The decision-makers of China and India want to cooperate on important issues and set aside disputes in order to create a peaceful environment for economic development whilst maintaining the option of activating balance act for hedging purposes. However, due to the volatility of interest structures, lack of mutual trusts and the political risks faced by decision-makers, sometimes, the balance act in the “strategic cooperation” is activated and led to mutual re- balancing. In 2013, the need of the new Chinese leadership to consolidate power reinforced China’s tough stands on border issue, leading to mutual re- balance and tension on the border. However, given that the balance act was taken in order to push forward cooperation and relieve domestic tension, it is unlikely that border tension will escalate.It will not improve cooperation but will deepen mutual distrust and limit the development of bilateral relations in the future. In 2014, a new government was elected in India and the new leadership might cast new challenges on the bilateral relations.
2005年，印度與中國建立了「戰略合作夥伴關係」(strategic cooperative partnership)，給予外界中印關係改善的印象。在現實情況中，中印的戰略夥伴關係呈現出在安全與經濟上的落差，較類似兩個原本敵意深重的發展中國家，為了經濟發展所進行的策略聯盟，以經濟發展為重，而與安全合作及解決主權與邊界爭議較無關。本文從決策者進行合作時的利益與成本考量的角度，探討中印「戰略夥伴關係」的發展前景。中印建構戰略夥伴關係，是決..
In 2005, China and India established a “strategic cooperative partnership,” which led to rising optimism about China-India relations. This article discusses prospects of the China-India strategic partnership from the perspective of benefit and cost. The China-India strategic partnership is regarded as an attempt by the leaders of the two countries to change bilateral relations from non-cooperation to cooperation. The key to successful transformation lies in the fact that decision makers of both sides can recognize..
本文探討影響中美在中國沿海進行海域油氣勘探合作的主要變數。尼克森政府時期，中美開始海域油氣勘探上的接觸。改革開放與中美建交後，中國擴大與美國在海域油氣勘探上的合作。不過，中國和周邊國家存在領土與邊界爭議。北京威脅使用武力，對美國政府與石油公司產生影響。《聯合國海洋法公約》是另一個重要變數，特別是在蘇聯瓦解後。2008 年，中美開始進行有關投資保障協定的談判。一般而言，雙邊投資協定要求簽約國對外來投資者提供保護。2012 年，歐巴馬政府完成了美國投資保障協定範..
This article discusses major factors affecting offshore oil and natural gas exploration cooperation between the People’s Republic of China and the United States along China’s coast. Contact between the U.S. and China regarding offshore oil and natural gas exploration began in the Nixon Administration. After the reform and opening-up policy and the establishment of Sino-U.S. diplomatic relations, China expanded cooperation with the U.S. in offshore oil and natural gas exploration. However, there are existing territ..
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