厚資料(thick data)這個名詞大約在 2013 到 2014 年間被創造出來。先在網路上流傳,後來出現在管理學的評論及期刊之中。一開始,這個詞的意思是強調「質化」方法的知識建構,多是從人類學的視角出發。但這並不新。其實,「厚」的核心內涵很早就在人類學中被運用,原稱叫作厚實描述(thick description),因此,現在使用「厚資料」一詞者,不少是從「厚描述」或「厚敘事」(thick descriptions)的人類學民族誌研究方法(ethnog..
As a reflection and supplement to data-driven research, thick data was firstly proposed as a complementary method of using data to engage in meaning mining in 2013. Through the case of Chinese political economy, this article demonstrates how the use of thick data enables researchers to overcome the problem of data distortion. It argues that meaningful use of data sources is based on the identification of actors. In order to do so, researchers are required to answer the following two questions: Who are the actors contributing to the tendency..
半總統制的設計,通常有一民選的總統及民選產生的國會;在此體制下,由於總統與國會雙元選舉的實施,國會理論上比一般單元選舉的內閣制 要有更強的監督制衡力量。但這種體制下的國會是否具備優於內閣制的監督能量,則在文獻上甚少探討,也成為本研究的最初動機。本文試著比較兩個半總統制的國家-臺灣與法國,並從較傳統的制度面切入,來探究兩國在制度設計安排上,賦予國會的監督潛能為何。這裡的制度設計安排,主要包括憲法及相關法規中賦予國會、委員會及個別議員的權力和資源配備;以及目前國..
The so-called semi-presidentialism designs a system that popularly elects both the president and the parliament. Under the dual-election design, the parliament theoretically should own more check and balance power than a parliament that gives rise to the cabinet. However, whether the parliament under semi-presidentialism in practice is indeed equipped with more oversight capacity than that of a cabinet system’s parliament has been rarely studied in prior literature. This paper tries to study this theoretically inte..
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