氣候變遷與能源安全揭示了新一波能源轉型的重要性。在此背景下, 城市作為全球經濟體系的生產、技術與能源消費的中心,其重要性持續提 升。面對氣候與能源轉型議題,城市在何種程度上可以發展出有別於更高 層級(國家、全球)的治理策略,成為學界與政策實務關切的重要課題。
本文以德國弗萊堡市推動能源轉型經驗為例,聚焦於以下討論:城市 或地方層級如何實踐能源轉型歷程?當中發展出哪些地方性的治理活動? 以下本文將先回顧能源轉型與氣候治理相關文獻,以及近年對於能源民主 概念的討論,來梳理出城市能源治理的重要面向。其次,本文在介紹德國 能源轉型的背景概況後,將以弗萊堡市為例,檢視城市於能源轉型歷程中 的治理策略。接著,本文將回顧弗萊堡市能源治理經驗,凸顯城市具體回 應能源轉型趨勢,與透過地方能源自主帶動治理模式創新的重要性。
研究發現,弗萊堡市透過兩種途徑來推動城市能源轉型。一方面,市 政府作為管制者與規劃者、供給者與促進者,透過結合多種治理模式,在 引導城市能源轉型歷程上扮演重要角色;另方面,公民與能源合作社自主治理,投資地方再生能源計畫,凸顯出轉型歷程中的公眾參與,也是城市
能源轉型的重要力量。
Climate change and energy security highlight the significance of energy transition. As an important node of production, technology and energy consumption in the world, cities play an important role in the economic and social transformation towards sustainable energy. It has been widely acknowledged as one of the major issues that cities and local governments explore governing strategies different from the higher governance level (national, global)to achieve the energy transition.
This paper attempts to answer the following questions: How do the city and local levels implement the energy transition process? What are the major governing strategies during the implementation process in Freiburg, one of the green cities in Germany? Apart from reviewing the development of energy transition and local government system in Germany, this paper discusses the models and strategies of existing urban energy governance and self-governance of citizen energy in Freiburg.
The study finds that Freiburg introduces two approaches for urban energy transition. The municipality plays an essential role as regulator and planner, provider, facilitator, and combines different modes of governing to foster urban energy transition. In addition, the self-governance of citizens, energy cooperatives, and the investment at local- or community-based renewables highlight the public participation and their contribution to the transition process.
歐債危機的發生表現在數個歐元會員國面臨高政府赤字、高負債的財政困境,故被統稱為歐債危機,但事實上此一危機是由數個性質不盡相同的個別危機所組成:希臘危機本質上為一財政紀律蕩然的政府治理危機;愛爾蘭與西班牙危機則為美國次貸危機所引發的不動產資產泡沫與銀行危機;義大利與葡萄牙危機則涉及結構性的長期成長危機。依此本質而言,德國所推動的撙節方案與財政公約僅涉及到公部門改革與恢復財政紀律等面向,只能對危機的終結提供部分的答案。財政紀律的執行與危機的解決有賴成長與就業的提..
The European sovereign debt crisis emerged from a few euro members being stuck with high-deficits and high-indebtedness, and thus is oversimplified to be referred to as the euro debt crisis. It, in fact, consists of several individual crises with different causes. The Greek crisis was a governance crisis that lacks of fiscal disciple by nature; the Irish and Spanish crises were the bubble crisis of the property sector and banking crisis caused by the US sub-prime crisis; the Italian and Portuguese crises involve more structur..
2015 年 7 月,希臘的公民投票以 61%的多數否決了歐盟的第三次紓困案,希臘主權債務危機再起。基於國際資金自 2010 年起已陸續處分希臘資產,其他歐債危機國家亦陸續走向經濟復甦的現實下,此次希臘債務危機對全球與歐盟經濟影響有限。希臘公投事件主要影響的是本國利益,公投為希臘換來更嚴格的紓困條件,反轉了復甦中的經濟成長,同時賠上了僅存的政府信譽與國際信任。從希臘是歐債危機國家中唯一被紓困三次、債務減少一 半、獲得最多金援、五年來卻仍未有效控制危機等多項「..
The EU’s bailout package was vetoed by the Greek people in the referendum of July 2015. This unexpected outcome caused the recurrence of the Greek debt crisis. Since international investors have disposed their holdings on Greek assets and other crisis countries in the eurozone have been recovering from the European sovereign debt crisis, the Greek event had limited impact on the world and EU economies this time. What this referendum event has affected most was its own national interests. It not only resulted in stricter..
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